Math Fun with a Perimeter Magic Triangle

Credit: Count your pennies! Learn a fun puzzle to test your quick computation skills—and see if you can find new strategies for getting speedy solutions. George Retseck

A puzzling activity from Science Buddies

Introduction
Do you ever use math as a tool to solve interesting problems? In the 1970s math was often taught with simple worksheets. One teacher was looking for a way to help his students have more fun with math and logic. So he developed what is now known as the perimeter magic triangle puzzles. Try them out—and have some fun as you start thinking about counting in a whole new way!

Background
Counting is so common that we forget how it is connected to the broader area of mathematics that studies numbers, known as arithmetic. We can see counting as repeatedly adding one: when you add one object to another you have two objects. Add one more and you have three, and so on. Addition is the process of adding numbers. The result of the addition is called the sum. With smaller numbers you might use counting to find the sum. When you have three and want to add two, for example, you can count two numbers beyond three to get to five. With plenty of practice you can often memorize the sums of the numbers one through 10—at which point in can be fun to play with numbers to find all the ways you can make a particular sum.

Math puzzles and games can be a fun way to get practice working with numbers. Puzzles also provide entertaining ways to build strategic and logical thinking. With a little trial and error you can often start to find new strategies to complete a puzzle faster. These are the very same techniques mathematicians use: starting small and trying to find patterns in the sequence of answers. These patterns are then used to predict the answers to even bigger puzzles.

If this is all too abstract, try the puzzle presented in this activity! It might make the process of learning arithmetic clear.

Materials

  • Two sheets of 9 by 12-inch paper, such as construction or craft paper (if possible, choose contrasting colors)
  • Pencil or marker
  • Ruler
  • Scissors
  • A quarter or other round object of similar size
  • 21 pennies, small blocks or other small stackable objects
  • More sheets of paper (optional)

Preparation

  • Draw a large triangle on a sheet of paper (you can use a ruler to help make straight lines).
  • Use a quarter to trace a circle on each corner of the triangle. Now trace a circle onto the middle of each side of the triangle. You should have six circles.
  • On the bottom of the second sheet of paper draw six circles similar in size to the ones drawn on the triangle.
  • Cut out these circles, and number them 1 through 6. These circles will be referred to as number disks.
  • Keep the top part of the second sheet of paper. You will use it to write down your results.

Procedure

  • On the paper with the triangle use the 21 pennies to build towers on each circle. Each circle must have at least 1 penny, but no two towers can be of the same height. Can you do it?
  • Keep trying until you find a solution!
  • Count the number of pennies in each tower. Write down each sum in order from the smallest to the largest number. What do you notice about this set of numbers?
  • Shift the towers around or rebuild them until you can fulfill one more requirement: The total number of pennies used to build the three towers on each side of the triangle must be the same. If you build towers of 1, 5 and 3 pennies in the circles lining up on one side of the triangle, for example, you used 1 + 5 + 3 = 9 pennies on that side. Lining up towers of 1, 2 and 4 pennies on the adjacent side would not work because 1+ 2 + 4 = 7 —not 9 like the first side. (Notice the tower of 1 penny was placed on the corner of this triangle, so it contributes to two sides.) If you tried 1, 2 and 6 for the adjacent side instead, that works because 1 + 2 + 6 = 9. Now you can place the one tower that is left and check if 9 pennies are used in the three towers on the third side of this triangle. Try it out! Did you find a solution?
  • If this is not a solution, think. Can you rearrange a few towers and get a solution?
  • If working with abstract numbers is easier for you, replace the towers with the number disks. Each number disks then represents a tower of pennies. The number written on the number disks informs you of the number of pennies in that tower.
  • Using 9 pennies per side is possible! Did you find the solution? Are there several ways you can arrange the towers so there are 9 pennies used per side?
  • Can you arrange the pennies so you use 10, 11 or even 12 pennies per side?
  • Extra: Show that there are no solutions that use 8 or fewer pennies per side—or show that there are no solutions with a total of 13 or more pennies per side.
  • Extra: The puzzle presented in this activity is called a “perimeter magic triangle of order three.” To extend it to a higher-order perimeter magic triangle start by drawing a new triangle. Add circles on the corners like you did the first time, but this time add two more circles on each side in between the corners. For this puzzle you will need nine number disks. Number them 1 through 9. Just like in the previous puzzle you need to find ways to place the disks on the circles so the sums of the numbers on each side of this triangle are identical. Mathematicians call this triangle a triangle of order four as it has four numbers on each side. Once you have solved this puzzle continue with a triangle of order five (add three more circles between the corners and cut 12 number disks), then order six, and so on.
  • Extra: Can you create a strategy to find solutions for this type of puzzle quickly?

Observations and Results
Did you find that you can only arrange the 21 pennies in towers of 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 pennies if you need to make six towers of different heights? Could you come up with ways to arrange the towers so the sum of pennies used on each side of the triangle is identical for all three sides? It is possible for a total of 9, 10, 11, and 12 pennies per side.

To use a total of 9 pennies on each side, you place the towers with 1, 2, and 3 pennies on the corners of the triangle. The tower of 6 pennies goes in between the towers of 1 and 2 pennies because 1 + 2 + 6 = 9. The tower of 5 pennies stands between the tower of 1 and the tower of 3 pennies, as 1 + 3 + 5 also equals 9. The towers with 2, 4 and 3 pennies fill up the third row. Notice how the smallest towers are placed on the corners for this solution.

To arrange the towers so that you use 12 pennies on each side start by arranging the tallest towers (those with 6, 5 and 4 pennies) on the corners of your triangle and fill in the circles in between. Place the smallest tower you have left (1 penny tall) in between the two tallest towers (5 and 6 pennies each). Do you see that the smallest one you are left with (2 pennies tall) goes in between the tallest ones that need a tower in between (the towers with 6 and 4 pennies each)?

A strategy you could use to find the solution that has 10 pennies on each side is listing all the ways you can make 10 by adding three different numbers. You will find 3 + 2 + 5 = 10, 5 + 4 + 1 = 10, and 1 + 6 + 3 = 10. Can you see that 3, 5 and 1 are part of two of these sums? This means these go on the corners of your triangle. You can use the same strategy to find out how to place the pennies so there are 11 or 12 pennies used on each side.

Are you wondering how you can know that using 8 pennies per side is not possible? With 8 pennies per side you use 3 X  8, or 24, pennies for the triangle. Because you reuse the pennies on the corner towers you at most use 1 + 2 + 3 (the sum of the three smallest towers) or 6 pennies fewer. In other words you can use at most 18 pennies. The puzzle asks you to use 21.

For more insights like this, visit our website at www.international-maths-challenge.com.

Credit of the article given to Science Buddies & Sabine De Brabandere


The Central Limit Theorem

The central limit theorem – the idea that plotting statistics for a large enough number of samples from a single population will result in a normal distribution – forms the basis of the majority of the inferential statistics that students learn in advanced school-level maths courses. Because of this, it’s a concept not normally encountered until students are much older. In our work on the Framework, however, we always ask ourselves where the ideas that make up a particular concept begin. And are there things we could do earlier in school that will help support those more advanced concepts further down the educational road?

The central limit theorem is an excellent example of just how powerful this way of thinking can be, as the key ideas on which it is built are encountered by students much earlier, and with a little tweaking, they can support deeper conceptual understanding at all stages.

The key underlying concept is that of a sampling distribution, which is a theoretical distribution that arises from taking a very large number of samples from a single population and calculating a statistic – for example, the mean – for each one. There is an immediate problem encountered by students here which relates to the two possible ways in which a sample can be conceptualised. It is common for students to consider a sample as a “mini-population;” this is often known as an additive conception of samples and comes from the common language use of the word, where a free “sample” from a homogeneous block of cheese is effectively identical to the block from which it came. If students have this conception, then a sampling distribution makes no sense as every sample is functionally identical; furthermore, hypothesis tests are problematic as every random sample is equally valid and should give us a similar estimate of any population parameter.

A multiplicative conception of a sample is, therefore, necessary to understand inferential statistics; in this frame, a sample is viewed as one possible outcome from a set of possible but different outcomes. This conception is more closely related to ideas of probability and, in fact, can be built from some simple ideas of combinatorics. In a very real sense, the sampling distribution is actually the sample space of possible samples of size n from a given population. So, how can we establish a multiplicative view of samples early on so that students who do go on to advanced study do not need to reconceptualise what a sample is in order to avoid misconceptions and access the new mathematics?

One possible approach is to begin by exploring a small data set by considering the following:

“Imagine you want to know something about six people, but you only have time to actually ask four of them. How many different combinations of four people are there?”

There are lots of ways to explore this question that make it more concrete – perhaps by giving a list of names of the people along with some characteristics, such as number of siblings, hair colour, method of travel to school, and so on. Early explorations could focus on simply establishing that there are in fact 15 possible samples of size four through a systematic listing and other potentially more creative representations, but then more detailed questions could be asked that focus on the characteristics of the samples; for example, is it common that three of the people in the sample have blonde hair? Is an even split between blue and brown eyes more or less common? How might these things change if a different population of six people was used?

Additionally, there are opportunities to practise procedures within a more interesting framework; for example, if one of the characteristics was height then students could calculate the mean height for each of their samples – a chance to practise the calculation as part of a meaningful activity – and then examine this set of averages. Are they close to a particular value? What range of values are covered? How are these values clustered? Hey presto – we have our first sampling distribution without having to worry about the messy terminology and formal definitions.

In the Cambridge Mathematics Framework, this approach is structured as exploratory work in which students play with the idea of a small sample as a combinatorics problem in order to motivate further exploration. Following this early work, they eventually created their first sampling distribution for a more realistic population and explored its properties such as shape, spread, proportions, etc. This early work lays the ground to look at sampling from some specific population distributions – uniform, normal, and triangular – to get a sense of how the underlying distribution impacts the sampling distribution. Finally, this is brought together by using technology to simulate the sampling distribution for different empirical data sets using varying sizes of samples in order to establish the concept of the central limit theorem.

While sampling distributions and the central limit theorem may well remain the preserve of more advanced mathematics courses, considering how to establish the multiplicative concept of a sample at the very beginning of students’ work on sampling may well help lay more secure foundations for much of the inferential statistics that comes later, and may even support statistical literacy for those who don’t go on to learn more formal statistical techniques.

For more insights like this, visit our website at www.international-maths-challenge.com.

Credit for the article given to Darren Macey


Is the Mathematical World Real?

Philosophers cannot agree on whether mathematical objects exist or are pure fictions

Credit: Brook VanDevelder

When I tell someone I am a mathematician, one of the most curious common reactions is: “I really liked math class because everything was either right or wrong. There is no ambiguity or doubt.” I always stutter in response. Math does not have a reputation for being everyone’s favorite subject, and I hesitate to temper anyone’s enthusiasm. But math is full of uncertainties—it just hides them well.

Of course, I understand the point. If your teacher asks whether 7 is a prime number, the answer is definitively “yes.” By definition, a prime number is a whole number greater than 1 that is only divisible by itself and 1, such as 2, 3, 5, 7, 11, 13, and so on. Any math teacher, anywhere in the world, anytime in the past several thousand years, will mark you correct for stating that 7 is prime and incorrect for stating that 7 is not prime. Few other disciplines can achieve such incredible consensus. But if you ask 100 mathematicians what explains the truth of a mathematical statement, you will get 100 different answers. The number 7 might really exist as an abstract object, with primality being a feature of that object. Or it could be part of an elaborate game that mathematicians devised. In other words, mathematicians agree to a remarkable degree on whether a statement is true or false, but they cannot agree on what exactly the statement is about.

One aspect of the controversy is the simple philosophical question: Was mathematics discovered by humans, or did we invent it? Perhaps 7 is an actual object, existing independently of us, and mathematicians are discovering facts about it. Or it might be a figment of our imaginations whose definition and properties are flexible. The act of doing mathematics actually encourages a kind of dual philosophical perspective, where math is treated as both invented and discovered.

This all seems to me a bit like improv theater. Mathematicians invent a setting with a handful of characters, or objects, as well as a few rules of interaction, and watch how the plot unfolds. The actors rapidly develop surprising personalities and relationships, entirely independent of the ones mathematicians intended. Regardless of who directs the play, however, the denouement is always the same. Even in a chaotic system, where the endings can vary wildly, the same initial conditions will always lead to the same end point. It is this inevitability that gives the discipline of math such notable cohesion. Hidden in the wings are difficult questions about the fundamental nature of mathematical objects and the acquisition of mathematical knowledge.

Invention

How do we know whether a mathematical statement is correct or not? In contrast to scientists, who usually try to infer the basic principles of nature from observations, mathematicians start with a collection of objects and rules and then rigorously demonstrate their consequences. The result of this deductive process is called a proof, which often builds from simpler facts to a more complex fact. At first glance, proofs seem to be key to the incredible consensus among mathematicians.

But proofs confer only conditional truth, with the truth of the conclusion depending on the truth of the assumptions. This is the problem with the common idea that consensus among mathematicians results from the proof-based structure of arguments. Proofs have core assumptions on which everything else hinges—and many of the philosophically fraught questions about mathematical truth and reality are actually about this starting point. Which raises the question: Where do these foundational objects and ideas come from?

Often the imperative is usefulness. We need numbers, for example, so that we can count (heads of cattle, say) and geometric objects such as rectangles to measure, for example, the areas of fields. Sometimes the reason is aesthetic—how interesting or appealing is the story that results? Altering the initial assumptions will sometimes unlock expansive structures and theories, while precluding others. For example, we could invent a new system of arithmetic where, by fiat, a negative number times a negative number is negative (easing the frustrated explanations of math teachers), but then many of the other, intuitive and desirable properties of the number line would disappear. Mathematicians judge foundational objects (such as negative numbers) and their properties (such as the result of multiplying them together) within the context of a larger, consistent mathematical landscape. Before proving a new theorem, therefore, a mathematician needs to watch the play unfold. Only then can the theorist know what to prove: the inevitable, unvarying conclusion. This gives the process of doing mathematics three stages: invention, discovery and proof.

The characters in the play are almost always constructed out of simpler objects. For example, a circle is defined as all points equidistant from a central point. So its definition relies on the definition of a point, which is a simpler type of object, and the distance between two points, which is a property of those simpler objects. Similarly, multiplication is repeated addition, and exponentiation is repeated multiplication of a number by itself. In consequence, the properties of exponentiation are inherited from the properties of multiplication. Conversely, we can learn about complicated mathematical objects by studying the simpler objects they are defined in terms of. This has led some mathematicians and philosophers to envision math as an inverted pyramid, with many complicated objects and ideas deduced from a narrow base of simple concepts.

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries a group of mathematicians and philosophers began to wonder what holds up this heavy pyramid of mathematics. They worried feverishly that math has no foundations—that nothing was grounding the truth of facts like 1 + 1 = 2. (An obsessive set of characters, several of them struggled with mental illness.) After 50 years of turmoil, the expansive project failed to produce a single, unifying answer that satisfied all the original goals, but it spawned various new branches of mathematics and philosophy.

Some mathematicians hoped to solve the foundational crisis by producing a relatively simple collection of axioms from which all mathematical truths can be derived. The 1930s work of mathematician Kurt Gödel, however, is often interpreted as demonstrating that such a reduction to axioms is impossible. First, Gödel showed that any reasonable candidate system of axioms will be incomplete: mathematical statements exist that the system can neither prove nor disprove. But the most devastating blow came in Gödel’s second theorem about the incompleteness of mathematics. Any foundational system of axioms should be consistent—meaning, free of statements that can be both proved and disproved. (Math would be much less satisfying if we could prove that 7 is prime and 7 is not prime.) Moreover, the system should be able to prove—to mathematically guarantee—its own consistency. Gödel’s second theorem states that this is impossible.

The quest to find the foundations of mathematics did lead to the incredible discovery of a system of basic axioms, known as Zermelo-Fraenkel set theory, from which one can derive most of the interesting and relevant mathematics. Based on sets, or collections of objects, these axioms are not the idealized foundation that some historical mathematicians and philosophers had hoped for, but they are remarkably simple and do undergird the bulk of mathematics.

Throughout the 20th century mathematicians debated whether Zermelo-Fraenkel set theory should be augmented with an additional rule, known as the axiom of choice: If you have infinitely many sets of objects, then you can form a new set by choosing one object from each set. Think of a row of buckets, each containing a collection of balls, and one empty bucket. From each bucket in the row, you can choose one ball and place it in the empty bucket. The axiom of choice would allow you to do this with an infinite row of buckets. Not only does it have intuitive appeal, it is necessary to prove several useful and desirable mathematical statements. But it also implies some strange things, such as the Banach-Tarski paradox, which states that you can break a solid ball into five pieces and reassemble those pieces into two new solid balls, each equal in size to the first. In other words, you can double the ball. Foundational assumptions are judged by the structures they produce, and the axiom of choice implies many important statements but also brings extra baggage. Without the axiom of choice, math seems to be missing crucial facts, though with it, math includes some strange and potentially undesirable statements.

The bulk of modern mathematics uses a standard set of definitions and conventions that have taken shape over time. For example, mathematicians used to regard 1 as a prime number but no longer do. They still argue, however, whether 0 should be considered a natural number (sometimes called the counting numbers, natural numbers are defined as 0,1,2,3… or 1,2,3…, depending on who you ask). Which characters, or inventions, become part of the mathematical canon usually depends on how intriguing the resulting play is—observing which can take years. In this sense, mathematical knowledge is cumulative. Old theories can be neglected, but they are rarely invalidated, as they often are in the natural sciences. Instead mathematicians simply choose to turn their attention to a new set of starting assumptions and explore the theory that unfolds.

Discovery

As noted earlier, mathematicians often define objects and axioms with a particular application in mind. Over and over again, however, these objects surprise them during the second stage of the mathematical process: discovery. Prime numbers, for example, are the building blocks of multiplication, the smallest multiplicative units. A number is prime if it cannot be written as the product of two smaller numbers, and all the nonprime (composite) numbers can be constructed by multiplying a unique set of primes together.

In 1742 mathematician Christian Goldbach hypothesized that every even number greater than 2 is the sum of two primes. If you pick any even number, the so-called Goldbach conjecture predicts that you can find two prime numbers that add up to that even number. If you pick 8, those two primes are 3 and 5; pick 42, and that is 13 + 29. The Goldbach conjecture is surprising because although primes were designed to be multiplied together, it suggests amazing, accidental relations between even numbers and the sums of primes.

An abundance of evidence supports Goldbach’s conjecture. In the 300 years since his original observation, computers have confirmed that it holds for all even numbers smaller than 4 × 1018. But this evidence is not enough for mathematicians to declare Goldbach’s conjecture correct. No matter how many even numbers a computer checks, there could be a counterexample—an even number that is not the sum of two primes—lurking around the corner.

Imagine that the computer is printing its results. Each time it finds two primes that add up to a specific even number, the computer prints that even number. By now it is a very long list of numbers, which you can present to a friend as a compelling reason to believe the Goldbach conjecture. But your clever friend is always able to think of an even number that is not on the list and asks how you know that the Goldbach conjecture is true for that number. It is impossible for all (infinitely many) even numbers to show up on the list. Only a mathematical proof—a logical argument from basic principles demonstrating that Goldbach’s conjecture is true for every even number—is enough to elevate the conjecture to a theorem or fact. To this day, no one has been able to provide such a proof.

The Goldbach conjecture illustrates a crucial distinction between the discovery stage of mathematics and the proof stage. During the discovery phase, one seeks overwhelming evidence of a mathematical fact—and in empirical science, that is often the end goal. But mathematical facts require a proof.

Patterns and evidence help mathematicians sort through mathematical findings and decide what to prove, but they can also be deceptive. For example, let us build a sequence of numbers: 121, 1211, 12111, 121111, 1211111, and so on. And let us make a conjecture: all the numbers in the sequence are not prime. It is easy to gather evidence for this conjecture. You can see that 121 is not prime, because 121 = 11 × 11. Similarly, 1211, 12111 and 121111 are all not prime. The pattern holds for a while—long enough that you would likely get bored checking—but then it suddenly fails. The 136th element in this sequence (that is, the number 12111…111, where 136 “1”s follow the “2”) is prime.

It is tempting to think that modern computers can help with this problem by allowing you to test the conjecture on more numbers in the sequence. But there are examples of mathematical patterns that hold true for the first 1042 elements of a sequence and then fail. Even with all the computational power in the world, you would never be able to test that many numbers.

Even so, the discovery stage of the mathematical process is extremely important. It reveals hidden connections such as the Goldbach conjecture. Often two entirely distinct branches of math are intensively studied in isolation before a profound relation between them is uncovered. A relatively simple example is Euler’s identity, e + 1 = 0, which connects the geometric constant π with the number i, defined algebraically as the square root of –1, via the number e, the base of natural logarithms. These surprising discoveries are part of the beauty and curiosity of math. They seem to point at a deep underlying structure that mathematicians are only beginning to understand.

In this sense, math feels both invented and discovered. The objects of study are precisely defined, but they take on a life of their own, revealing unexpected complexity. The process of mathematics therefore seems to require that mathematical objects be simultaneously viewed as real and invented—as objects with concrete, discoverable properties and as easily manipulable inventions of mind. As philosopher Penelope Maddy writes, however, the duality makes no difference to how mathematicians work, “as long as double-think is acceptable.”

Real or unreal?

Mathematical realism is the philosophical position that seems to hold during the discovery stage: the objects of mathematical study—from circles and prime numbers to matrices and manifolds—are real and exist independently of human minds. Like an astronomer exploring a far-off planet or a paleontologist studying dinosaurs, mathematicians are gathering insights into real entities. To prove that Goldbach’s conjecture is true, for example, is to show that the even numbers and the prime numbers are related in a particular way through addition, just like a paleontologist might show that one type of dinosaur descended from another by showing that their anatomical structures are related.

Realism in its various manifestations, such as Platonism (inspired by the Greek philosopher’s theory of Platonic forms), makes easy sense of mathematics’ universalism and usefulness. A mathematical object has a property, such as 7 being a prime number, in the same way that a dinosaur might have had the property of being able to fly. And a mathematical theorem, such as the fact that the sum of two even numbers is even, is true because even numbers really exist and stand in a particular relation to each other. This explains why people across temporal, geographical and cultural differences generally agree about mathematical facts—they are all referencing the same fixed objects.

But there are some important objections to realism. If mathematical objects really exist, their properties are certainly very peculiar. For one, they are causally inert, meaning they cannot be the cause of anything, so you cannot literally interact with them. This is a problem because we seem to gain knowledge of an object through its impact. Dinosaurs decomposed into bones that paleontologists can see and touch, and a planet can pass in front of a star, blocking its light from our view. But a circle is an abstract object, independent of space and time. The fact that π is the ratio of the circumference to the diameter of a circle is not about a soda can or a doughnut; it refers to an abstract mathematical circle, where distances are exact and the points on the circle are infinitesimally small. Such a perfect circle is causally inert and seemingly inaccessible. So how can we learn facts about it without some type of special sixth sense?

That is the difficulty with realism—it fails to explain how we know facts about abstract mathematical objects. All of which might cause a mathematician to recoil from his or her typically realist stance and latch onto the first step of the mathematical process: invention. By framing mathematics as a purely formal mental exercise or a complete fiction, antirealism easily skirts problems of epistemology.

Formalism, a type of antirealism, is a philosophical position that asserts that mathematics is like a game, and mathematicians are just playing out the rules of the game. Stating that 7 is a prime number is like stating that a knight is the only chess piece that can move in an L shape. Another philosophical position, fictionalism, claims that mathematical objects are fictions. Stating that 7 is a prime number is then like stating that unicorns are white. Mathematics makes sense within its fictional universe but has no real meaning outside of it.

There is an inevitable trade-off. If math is simply made up, how can it be such a necessary part of science? From quantum mechanics to models of ecology, mathematics is an expansive and precise scientific tool. Scientists do not expect particles to move according to chess rules or the crack in a dinner plate to mimic Hansel and Gretel’s path—the burden of scientific description is placed exclusively on mathematics, which distinguishes it from other games or fictions.

In the end, these questions do not affect the practice of mathematics. Mathematicians are free to choose their own interpretations of their profession. In The Mathematical Experience, Philip Davis and Reuben Hersh famously wrote that “the typical working mathematician is a Platonist on weekdays and a formalist on Sundays.” By funneling all disagreements through a precise process—which embraces both invention and discovery—mathematicians are incredibly effective at producing disciplinary consensus.

For more insights like this, visit our website at www.international-maths-challenge.com.

Credit of the article given to Kelsey Houston-Edwards |


If Mathematicians Were in Charge of Punctuation

Credit: Getty Images

Better living through set-builder notation

As a publicly mathematical person, one of the matters upon which I am called to adjudicate is what I think of as “viral order of operations questions” with a math problem along the lines of “48÷2(9+3) = ?

In the past, I used to tell people who asked me about one of those questions something like, “I think the correct answer is __, but it’s better to write the expression unambiguously.” But recently I decided I need to put my foot down. I will no longer give an answer to those questions. The only way to win is not to play.

An ambiguous sequence of digits and mathematical operation symbols is not interesting to mathematicians. Most of us learn something about the order of operations fairly early on in our mathematical educations. We might learn PEMDAS or BIDMAS, or “Please excuse my dear aunt Sally.” All of these expressions tell us that we’re supposed to take care of expressions inside parentheses or brackets first, followed by exponential expressions, followed by multiplication and division, then addition and subtraction. It’s good that we have a system, but mathematicians and other people who use mathematical expressions regularly would never write down something like “48÷2(9+3) = ?” because its potential for causing confusion is too great.

In general, mathematicians strive to reduce ambiguity when possible. A mathematician would write (48÷2)(9+3) or 48÷(2(9+3)), depending on which one they meant. Viral order of operations problems are unappealing. Just toss in a few more parentheses to clarify your meaning and move on. There are cat pictures to scroll through, for goodness’ sake!

In fact, I think if mathematicians had their way, they would get rid of easily-fixed ambiguous order of operations problems altogether, and I don’t think they’d stop there. The English language often leaves room for ambiguity, and I think mathematical notation could help us make some improvements.

I remember chuckling to myself when I saw the phrase “I like to play board games and read a book while taking a bath.” It conjures up an image of a very exciting game of Monopoly where Baltic Avenue is replaced by the Baltic Sea. Set-builder notation could resolve that titillating ambiguity there while simultaneously freeing me of a tiny shred of joy in this world of woe. Mathematicians use curly brackets to indicate things that are in one set and can be treated as one object. A person who enjoys two separate activities, one of which is playing board games and one of which is reading a book while taking a bath, could write “I like to {play board games} and {read a book while taking a bath}.” A person with a much more interesting bathtime routine than mine could write “I like to {play board games and read a book} while taking a bath.”

Curly brackets take care of written English, but we communicate through speech as well. The late Danish pianist and comedian Victor Borge had a routine about phonetic punctuation. He assigned sounds to some common punctuation marks and inserted them into sentences.

He didn’t include a sound for curly brackets, and I’m not sure the best option. Perhaps a “zzp” sound would work, but I’m open to other suggestions. In the meantime, there is a precedent for air quotes, and perhaps we could add extend that to air parentheses.

When I started thinking about using brackets and air-parentheses in English writing and speech, I wondered if I was just reinventing sentence diagramming. I don’t know how many people learned to diagram a sentence in school, but a sentence diagram is a graphical representation of a sentence that shows how each word and phrase functions in the sentence. The diagram for the sentence “I like to {play board games} and {read a book while taking a bath}” is different from the diagram for “I like to {play board games and read a book} while taking a bath.” It’s been a while since I did any sentence diagramming, so I beg for lenience from any grammar teachers reading, but these were the diagrams I came up with. The placement of the “while” clause is the only difference between the two diagrams.

Two possible diagrams for the sentence “I like to play board games and read a book while taking a bath.” Credit: Evelyn Lamb

Diagramming the sentence does remove the ambiguity, and it gives even more information than the set-builder notation I’m suggesting, but it comes at a cost of both space and effort. It’s much more practical to throw a few brackets into English prose than to draw every sentence as a complex, multi-storied building.

Set-builder brackets are just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to resolving linguistic ambiguity through mathematical notation. After we’ve mastered those, we can consider incorporating union and disjoint union symbols and the distinction between or and xor into our speech and writing. But that will have to wait until after we’ve relaxed with an extra-realistic game of Battleship in the bathtub.

For more insights like this, visit our website at www.international-maths-challenge.com.

Credit of the article given to Evelyn Lamb


How to Confuse a Traveling Mathematician

Credit: Getty Images/iStockphoto Thinkstock Images/photoncatcher

An embellished account of a border crossing

“How many days will you be staying?” The immigration officer’s question made my blood run cold. I could easily tell him my origin city, nationality, flight number, and eventual destination, but this question was different. It was a fencepost question.

Fencepost questions, dealing as they do with the difference between count and duration, discrete and continuous, have always been difficult for me. May 1st and 8th were both Sundays. There are 7 days in a week, and 8-1 is 7. 9 am on May 8th is 7 days after 9 am on May 1st, but if I do something every day from the 1st to the 8th, I do it 8 times. If someone asks me about something that takes place from the 1st to the 8th, mere subtraction is not enough. I need to know the context of the question and what type of answer is expected.

For this trip, I left on the 14th and would return on the 24th. 24-14 is 10, but I would be there for portions of 11 calendar days and the entirety of only 9 of them. I arrived at 5 pm and would leave at 10 am, so I would be there for less than 240 hours, the length of 10 days. On the other hand, I would be away from my home for well over 240 hours. Would the officer just look at my arrival and departure dates, subtract, and be done with it? Would it confuse him if I said 11? Or did he know about fenceposts too? Was he trying to trap me? Luring me into the false certainty of subtraction, ready to pounce when I gave him a number that failed to reflect the nuances of my visit?

I felt like a cornered animal who doesn’t know whether, if I do something every other day, I do it 3 or 4 times in a week, and if I do it 4 times, whether that means a week has 8 days in it.

My mind was racing, my palms sweaty. The officer looked at me expectantly. Would he think I was flustered because I had something to hide? Would I be dragged away for more questioning, as another mathematician was last week?

Trying to keep my voice steady, I replied: “Ten.” I resisted the urge to explain the situation further.

I held my breath. As if in slow motion, he looked down, reached for the stamp, and flipped to a blank page in my passport. “Have a nice visit.”

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Credit of the article given to Evelyn Lamb

 


Mathematics of scale: Big, small and everything in between

Breathe. As your lungs expand, air fills 500 million tiny alveoli, each a fraction of a millimeter across. As you exhale, these millions of tiny breaths merge effortlessly through larger and larger airways into one ultimate breath.

These airways are fractal.

The branches within lungs are an example of self-similarity. Brockhaus and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary/Wikimedia

Fractals are a mathematical tool for describing objects with detail at every scale. Mathematicians and physicists like me use fractals and related concepts to understand how things change going from small to big.

You and I translate between vastly different scales when we think about how our choices affect the world. Is this latte contributing to climate change? Should I vote in this election?

These conceptual tools apply to the body as well as landscapes, natural disasters and society.

Fractals everywhere

In 1967, mathematician Benoit Mandelbrot asked, “How long is the coast of Britain?”

It’s a trick question. The answer depends on how you measure it. If you trace the outline on a map, you get one answer, but if you walk the coastline with a meter stick, the result is quite different. Anyone who has tried to estimate the length of a rugged hiking trail from a map knows the treachery of the large-scale picture.

Satellite image of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. NASA

That’s because lungs, the British coastline and hiking trails all have fractality: their length, number of branches or some other quantity depends on the scale or resolution you use to measure them.

The coastline is also self-similar – it’s made out of smaller copies of itself. Fern fronds, trees, snail shells, landscapes, the silhouettes of mountains and river networks all look like smaller versions of themselves.

That’s why, when you’re looking at an aerial photograph of a landscape, it’s often hard to tell whether the scale bar should be 50 km or 500 m.

Your lungs are self-similar, because the body finely calibrates each branch in exact proportions, making each branch a smaller replica of the previous. This modular design makes lungs efficient at any size. Think of a child and an adult, or a mouse, a whale. The only difference between small and large is in how many times the airways branch.

Self-similarity and fractality appear in art and architecture, in the arches within arches of Roman aqueducts and the spires of Gothic cathedrals that mirror the forest canopy. Even ancient Chinese calligraphers Huai Su and Yan Zhenqing prized the fractality of summer clouds, cracks in a wall and water stains in a leaking house in 722.

Scale invariance

Self-similar objects have a scale invariance. In other words, some property holds regardless of how big they get, such as the efficiency of lungs.

In effect, scale invariance describes what changes between scales by saying what doesn’t change.

A sketch from Leonardo da Vinci’s notes on tree branches. Fractal Foundation

Leonardo da Vinci observed that, as trees branch, the total cross-sectional area of all branches is preserved. In other words, going from trunk to twigs, the number of branches and their diameter change with each branching, but the total thickness of all branches bundled together stays the same.

Da Vinci’s observation implies a scale invariance: For every branch of a certain radius, there are four downstream branches with half that radius.

Earthquake frequency has a similar scale invariance, which was observed in the 1940s. The big ones come to mind – Lisbon 1755, San Francisco 1989 – but many small earthquakes occur in California every day. The Gutenberg-Richter law says that earthquake frequency depends on the size of the earthquake. The answer is surprisingly simple. A tenfold bigger earthquake occurs roughly one-tenth as often.

Society and the power law

A 19th-century economist Vilifredo Pareto – famous in business school for the 80/20 rule – observed that the number of families with a certain wealth is inversely proportional to their wealth, raised to some exponent. Pareto measured the exponent for different years and different countries and found that it was usually around 1.5.

Patterns in an oak’s branches. Schlegelfotos/shutterstock.com

Pareto’s wealth distribution came to be known as the power law, ostensibly because of the exponent or “power.”

Anything self-similar has a corresponding power law. In an April paper, my colleague and I describe the corresponding power law for lungs, blood vessels and trees. It differs from Pareto’s power law only by taking into account specific ratios between branches.

The sizes of fortunes then are akin to the sizes of tree twigs or blood vessels – a few trunks or large branches and exponentially more tiny twigs.

Pareto thought of his distribution of wealth as a natural law, but many different models of social organization give rise to a Pareto distribution and societies do vary in wealth inequality. The higher Pareto’s exponent, the more egalitarian the society.

From understanding how humans are made up of tiny cells to how we affect the planet, self-similarity, fractality and scale invariance often help translate from one level of organization to another.

For more insights like this, visit our website at www.international-maths-challenge.com.
Credit of the article given to Mitchell Newberry


How Math Puzzles Help You Plan the Perfect Party

Credit: Getty Images

The right mix of people who already know one another, of boys and girls–Ramsey numbers may hold the answer

Let’s say you’re planning your next party and agonizing over the guest list. To whom should you send invitations? What combination of friends and strangers is the right mix?

It turns out mathematicians have been working on a version of this problem for nearly a century. Depending on what you want, the answer can be complicated.

Our book, “The Fascinating World of Graph Theory,” explores puzzles like these and shows how they can be solved through graphs. A question like this one might seem small, but it’s a beautiful demonstration of how graphs can be used to solve mathematical problems in such diverse fields as the sciences, communication and society.

A puzzle is born

While it’s well-known that Harvard is one of the top academic universities in the country, you might be surprised to learn that there was a time when Harvard had one of the nation’s best football teams. But in 1931, led by All–American quarterback Barry Wood, such was the case.

That season Harvard played Army. At halftime, unexpectedly, Army led Harvard 13–0. Clearly upset, Harvard’s president told Army’s commandant of cadets that while Army may be better than Harvard in football, Harvard was superior in a more scholarly competition.

Though Harvard came back to defeat Army 14-13, the commandant accepted the challenge to compete against Harvard in something more scholarly. It was agreed that the two would compete – in mathematics. This led to Army and Harvard selecting mathematics teams; the showdown occurred in West Point in 1933. To Harvard’s surprise, Army won.

The Harvard–Army competition eventually led to an annual mathematics competition for undergraduates in 1938, called the Putnam exam, named for William Lowell Putnam, a relative of Harvard’s president. This exam was designed to stimulate a healthy rivalry in mathematics in the United States and Canada. Over the years and continuing to this day, this exam has contained many interesting and often challenging problems – including the one we describe above.

Red and blue lines

The 1953 exam contained the following problem (reworded a bit): There are six points in the plane. Every point is connected to every other point by a line that’s either blue or red. Show that there are three of these points between which only lines of the same color are drawn.

In math, if there is a collection of points with lines drawn between some pairs of points, that structure is called a graph. The study of these graphs is called graph theory. In graph theory, however, the points are called vertices and the lines are called edges.

Graphs can be used to represent a wide variety of situations. For example, in this Putnam problem, a point can represent a person, a red line can mean the people are friends and a blue line means that they are strangers.

Show that there are three points connected by lines of the same color. Credit: richtom80 Wikimedia (CC BY-SA 3.0)

For example, let’s call the points A, B, C, D, E, F and select one of them, say A. Of the five lines drawn from A to the other five points, there must be three lines of the same color.

Say the lines from A to B, C, D are all red. If a line between any two of B, C, D is red, then there are three points with only red lines between them. If no line between any two of B, C, D is red, then they are all blue.

What if there were only five points? There may not be three points where all lines between them are colored the same. For example, the lines A–B, B–C, C–D, D–E, E–A may be red, with the others blue.

From what we saw, then, the smallest number of people who can be invited to a party (where every two people are either friends or strangers) such that there are three mutual friends or three mutual strangers is six.

What if we would like four people to be mutual friends or mutual strangers? What is the smallest number of people we must invite to a party to be certain of this? This question has been answered. It’s 18.

What if we would like five people to be mutual friends or mutual strangers? In this situation, the smallest number of people to invite to a party to be guaranteed of this is – unknown. Nobody knows. While this problem is easy to describe and perhaps sounds rather simple, it is notoriously difficult.

Ramsey numbers

What we have been discussing is a type of number in graph theory called a Ramsey number. These numbers are named for the British philosopher, economist and mathematician Frank Plumpton Ramsey.

Ramsey died at the age of 26 but obtained at his very early age a very curious theorem in mathematics, which gave rise to our question here. Say we have another plane full of points connected by red and blue lines. We pick two positive integers, named r and s. We want to have exactly r points where all lines between them are red or s points where all lines between them are blue. What’s the smallest number of points we can do this with? That’s called a Ramsey number.

For example, say we want our plane to have at least three points connected by all red lines and three points connected by all blue lines. The Ramsey number – the smallest number of points we need to make this happen – is six.

When mathematicians look at a problem, they often ask themselves: Does this suggest another question? This is what has happened with Ramsey numbers – and party problems.

For example, here’s one: Five girls are planning a party. They have decided to invite some boys to the party, whether they know the boys or not. How many boys do they need to invite to be certain that there will always be three boys among them such that three of the five girls are either friends with all three boys or are not acquainted with all three boys? It’s probably not easy to make a good guess at the answer. It’s 41!

Very few Ramsey numbers are known. However, this doesn’t stop mathematicians from trying to solve such problems. Often, failing to solve one problem can lead to an even more interesting problem. Such is the life of a mathematician.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

For more insights like this, visit our website at www.international-maths-challenge.com.

Credit of the article given to Gary Chartrand, Arthur Benjamin, Ping Zhang & The Conversation US


How Math Helped Me Learn Early Music

Abstract algebra class gave me the kick in the rear I needed to focus on the relationships between notes

During my senior year of college, I decided I wanted to expand my musical horizons, so I joined the early music ensemble. I had entered college with a viola scholarship, so I had played in the orchestra throughout my time there as well as doing chamber music and working on solo viola pieces, but I had always enjoyed early music and wanted to try something new. In the ensemble, I played Baroque violin, and a lot of my technique as a modern violist translated well. I held the instrument and bow a little differently, but on the whole, I was able to pick it up quickly. Reading the music was another story.

Many people are exposed to treble and bass clefs in music classes. I was very young when my mom started to teach me how to read music, but I still remember the feeling of accomplishment I had when I mastered the idea that the position of a spot on an array of lines and spaces corresponded to a particular key on a piano or a particular pitch I could sing. The treble clef is based on the G above middle C. The bass clef uses the F below middle C.

A C major scale written across bass (bottom) and treble (top) clefs. The two dots on the bass clef indicate the F below middle C, and the treble clef circles the G above middle C. Credit: Martin Marte-Singer Wikimedia (CC BY-SA 4.0)

Many instruments’ ranges fit comfortably onto either the treble or bass clef, perhaps adjusted by an octave when necessary. Piano music, of course, uses both clefs. But the viola is a little too low to use treble clef all the time and a little too high to use bass clef all the time. When I started to play viola, I learned to read alto clef, which has middle C smack dab in the middle of the staff, and eventually I was the music-reading equivalent of trilingual.

A C major scale written in alto clef, starting on middle C. Credit: Hyacinth Wikimedia

My multilingualism had its limits, though. I could read all three clefs, but if I wanted to play music originally written for cello an octave higher or music originally written for flute or violin an octave lower—tasks that would have been trivial on a piano—I would struggle to read bass clef up an octave or treble clef down an octave, respectively. Tenor clef, which is like alto clef but with the C one line higher, flummoxed me entirely. I wasn’t as fluent as I wanted to be.

Early music ensemble pushed my limits. Music from the Baroque era and before was not always notated using the small number of clefs we tend to use now. I was reading music in French violin clef (ooh-la-la, this one looks like treble clef but has the G on the bottom line instead of the line above the bottom), soprano clef (a C clef like alto and tenor clefs with the C on the bottom line), and other currently unusual clefs. It was overwhelming. I made a lot of mistakes in rehearsal, despite the many note names I had to write in my music.

The same semester I started playing with the early music ensemble, I took an abstract algebra class. Abstract algebra looks at structures of sets of numbers and symmetries. It encourages people to see connections between sometimes very different mathematical objects and transformations and to view the relationships between objects as fundamental to understanding those objects.

At some point in the semester, a switch flipped in my brain, and my early music clef struggles virtually disappeared. At the beginning of a piece, I would look at the clef to get my bearings, and I could see the rest of the notes as representing relationships between one pitch and the next. I read intervals, not pitches. I was not perfect, but I felt like almost overnight I had unlocked a new music-reading level.

I have always felt like my journey into more abstract algebra and my new clef fluency were related, but I have struggled to put that connection into words. I feel like the structural and relational aspects of abstract algebra helped me to see clefs as descriptions of relationships between notes rather than as absolute pitches, but I can’t point to a particular theorem or insight in abstract algebra that would apply explicitly.

Last year, I learned about the Yoneda lemma, an important theorem in the mathematical field of category theory. (According to our My Favorite Theorem guest Emily Riehl, it’s every category theorist’s favorite theorem.) I am no category theorist, but I found Tai-Danae Bradley’s description of the Yoneda lemma helpful, particularly the big idea she shared in this post on the Yoneda perspective. She writes that the punchline of the Yoneda lemma, or at least two of its corollaries, is “mathematical objects are completely determined by their relationships to other objects.”

It has taken me a while to make the connection explicitly, but I think the “Yoneda perspective” describes the mental shift I made in early music ensemble. It’s not the exact notes that matter when you’re reading music written in an unfamiliar clef but the relationships between them. Since having this shift in perspective, it’s been easier for me to transpose music into different keys and read treble and bass clefs in whatever octaves I need to.

Some organists and pianists can transpose music seemingly effortlessly to accommodate the needs of their church choirs or musical theater performers, and I think it’s because they’ve already shifted to the Yoneda perspective, even if that’s not how they would describe it. They didn’t necessarily get there via advanced mathematics classes, but for me, I think abstract algebra class gave me the kick in the rear I needed not to be tied to any one set of exact pitches but to focus on the relationships between them. I won’t claim that studying abstract algebra or category theory will improve your music-reading skills—making music, not studying a math book, is usually the best way to get better at making music—but pondering these connections enriches my experience of both math and music, and I hope it can do the same for you.

For more insights like this, visit our website at www.international-maths-challenge.com.

Credit of the article given to Evelyn Lamb


How Does a Mathematician’s Brain Differ from That of a Mere Mortal?

Credit: Getty Images

Processing high-level math concepts uses the same neural networks as the basic math skills a child is born with

Alan Turing, Albert Einstein, Stephen Hawking, John Nash—these “beautiful” minds never fail to enchant the public, but they also remain somewhat elusive. How do some people progress from being able to perform basic arithmetic to grasping advanced mathematical concepts and thinking at levels of abstraction that baffle the rest of the population? Neuroscience has now begun to pin down whether the brain of a math wiz somehow takes conceptual thinking to another level.

Specifically, scientists have long debated whether the basis of high-level mathematical thought is tied to the brain’s language-processing centers—that thinking at such a level of abstraction requires linguistic representation and an understanding of syntax—or to independent regions associated with number and spatial reasoning. In a study published this week in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, a pair of researchers at the INSERM–CEA Cognitive Neuroimaging Unit in France reported that the brain areas involved in math are different from those engaged in equally complex nonmathematical thinking.

The team used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to scan the brains of 15 professional mathematicians and 15 nonmathematicians of the same academic standing. While in the scanner the subjects listened to a series of 72 high-level mathematical statements, divided evenly among algebra, analysis, geometry and topology, as well as 18 high-level nonmathematical (mostly historical) statements. They had four seconds to reflect on each proposition and determine whether it was true, false or meaningless.

The researchers found that in the mathematicians only, listening to math-related statements activated a network involving bilateral intraparietal, dorsal prefrontal, and inferior temporal regions of the brain. This circuitry is usually not associated with areas involved in language processing and semantics, which were activated in both mathematicians and nonmathematicians when they were presented with the nonmathematical statements. “On the contrary,” says study co-author and graduate student Marie Amalric, “our results show that high-level mathematical reflection recycles brain regions associated with an evolutionarily ancient knowledge of number and space.”

Previous research has found that these nonlinguistic areas are active when performing rudimentary arithmetic calculations and even simply seeing numbers on a page, suggesting a link between advanced and basic mathematical thinking. In fact, co-author Stanislas Dehaene, director of the Cognitive Neuroimaging Unit and experimental psychologist, has studied how humans (and even some animal species) are born with an intuitive sense of numbers—of quantity and arithmetic manipulation—closely related to spatial representation. How the connection between a hardwired “number sense” and higher-level math is formed, however, remains unknown. This work raises the intriguing question of whether an innate capability to recognize different quantities—that two pieces of fruit are greater than one—is the biological foundation on which can be built the capacity to master group theory. “It would be interesting to investigate the causal chain between lower-level and higher-level mathematical competency,” says Daniel Ansari, a cognitive neuroscientist at the University of Western Ontario who did not participate in the study. “Most of us master basic arithmetic, so we’re already recruiting these brain regions, but only a fraction of us go on to do high-level math. We don’t yet know whether becoming a mathematical expert changes the way you do arithmetic or whether learning arithmetic lays out the foundation for acquiring higher-level mathematical concepts.”

Ansari suggests that a training study, in which nonmathematicians are taught advanced mathematical concepts, could provide a better understanding of these connections and how they form. Moreover, achieving expertise in mathematics may affect neuronal circuitry in other ways. Amalric’s study found that mathematicians had reduced activity in the visual areas of the brain involved in facial processing. This could mean that the neural resources required to grasp and work with certain math concepts may undercut—or “use up”—some of the brain’s other capacities. Although additional studies are needed to determine whether mathematicians actually do process faces differently, the researchers hope to gain further insight into the effects that expertise has on how the brain is organized.

“We can start to investigate where exceptional abilities come from, and the neurobiological correlates of such high-level expertise,” Ansari says. “I just think it’s great that we now have the capability to use brain imaging to answer these deep questions about the complexity of human abilities.”

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Credit of the article given to  Jordana Cepelewicz


Fractions: Where It All Goes Wrong

Credit: Jasmina81 Getty Images

Why do Americans have such trouble with fractions—and what can be done?

Many children never master fractions. When asked whether 12/13 + 7/8 was closest to 1, 2, 19, or 21, only 24% of a nationally representative sample of more than 20,000 US 8th graders answered correctly. This test was given almost 40 years ago, which gave Hugo Lortie-Forgues and me hope that the work of innumerable teachers, mathematics coaches, researchers, and government commissions had made a positive difference. Our hopes were dashed by the data, though; we found that in all of those years, accuracy on the same problem improved only from 24% to 27% correct.

Such difficulties are not limited to fraction estimation problems nor do they end in 8th grade. On standard fraction addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division problems with equal denominators (e.g., 3/5+4/5) and unequal denominators (e.g., 3/5+2/3), 6th and 8th graders tend to answer correctly only about 50% of items. Studies of community college students have revealed similarly poor fraction arithmetic performance. Children in the US do much worse on such problems than their peers in European countries, such as Belgium and Germany, and in Asian countries such as China and Korea.

This weak knowledge is especially unfortunate because fractions are foundational to many more advanced areas of mathematics and science. Fifth graders’ fraction knowledge predicts high school students’ algebra learning and overall math achievement, even after controlling for whole number knowledge, the students’ IQ, and their families’ education and income. On the reference sheets for recent high school AP tests in chemistry and physics, fractions were part of more than half of the formulas. In a recent survey of 2300 white collar, blue collar, and service workers, more than two-thirds indicated that they used fractions in their work. Moreover, in a nationally representative sample of 1,000 Algebra 1 teachers in the US, most rated as “poor” their students’ knowledge of fractions and rated fractions as the second greatest impediment to their students mastering algebra (second only to “word problems”).

Why are fractions so difficult to understand? A major reason is that learning fractions requires overcoming two types of difficulty: inherent and culturally contingent. Inherent sources of difficulty are those that derive from the nature of fractions, ones that confront all learners in all places. One inherent difficulty is the notation used to express fractions. Understanding the relation a/b is more difficult than understanding the simple quantity a, regardless of the culture or time period in which a child lives. Another inherent difficulty involves the complex relations between fraction arithmetic and whole number arithmetic. For example, multiplying fractions involves applying the whole number operation independently to the numerator and the denominator (e.g., 3/7 * 2/7 = (3*2)/(7*7) = 6/49), but doing the same leads to wrong answers on fraction addition (e.g., 3/7 + 2/7 ≠ 5/14). A third inherent source of difficulty is complex conceptual relations among different fraction arithmetic operations, at least using standard algorithms. Why do we need equal denominators to add and subtract fractions but not to multiply and divide them? Why do we invert and multiply to solve fraction division problems, and why do we invert the fraction in the denominator rather than the one in the numerator? These inherent sources of difficulty make understanding fraction arithmetic challenging for all students.

Culturally contingent sources of difficulty, in contrast, can mitigate or exacerbate the inherent challenges of learning fractions. Teacher understanding is one culturally-contingent variable: When asked to explain the meaning of fraction division problems, few US teachers can provide any explanation, whereas the large majority of Chinese teachers provide at least one good explanation. Language is another culturally-contingent factor; East Asian languages express fractions such as 3/4 as “out of four, three,” which makes it easier to understand their meaning than relatively opaque terms such as “three fourth.” A third such variable is textbooks. Despite division being the most difficult operation to understand, US textbooks present far fewer problems with fraction division than fraction multiplication; the opposite is true in Chinese and Korean textbooks. Probably most fundamental are cultural attitudes: Math learning is viewed as crucial throughout East Asia, but US attitudes about its importance are far more variable.

Given the importance of fractions in and out of school, the extensive evidence that many children and adults do not understand them, and the inherent difficulty of the topic, what is to be done? Considering culturally contingent factors points to several potentially useful steps. Inculcating a deeper understanding of fractions among teachers will likely help them to teach more effectively. Explaining the meaning of fractions to students using clear language (for example, explaining that 3/4 means 3 of the 1/4 units), and requesting textbook writers to include more challenging problems are other promising strategies. Addressing inherent sources of difficulty in fraction arithmetic, in particular understanding of fraction magnitudes, can also make a large difference.

Fraction Face-off!, a 12-week program designed by Lynn Fuchs to help children from low-income backgrounds improve their fraction knowledge, seems especially promising. The program teaches children about fraction magnitudes through tasks such as comparing and ordering fraction magnitudes and locating fractions on number lines. After participating in Fraction Face-off!, fourth graders’ fraction addition and subtraction accuracy consistently exceeds of children receiving the standard classroom curriculum. This finding was especially striking because Fraction Face-off! devoted less time to explicit instruction in fraction arithmetic procedures than did the standard curriculum. Similarly encouraging findings have been found for other interventions that emphasize the importance of fraction magnitudes. Such programs may help children learn fraction arithmetic by encouraging them to note that answers such as 1/3+1/2 = 2/5 cannot be right, because the sum is less than one of the numbers being added, and therefore to try procedures that generate more plausible answers. These innovative curricula seem well worth testing on a wider basis.

For more insights like this, visit our website at www.international-maths-challenge.com.

Credit of the article given to Robert S. Siegler